Re: Re: reorganisation and destruction of irish catholic churche
Two Late Nineteenth-century Roman Catholic
Churches in Toronto by Joseph Connolly: St Mary’s,
Bathurst Street and St Paul’s, Power Street
Malcolm Thurlby
Professor Malcolm Thurlby teaches art
and architectural history at
York University,Toronto
ST MARY’S, BATHURST STREET AT ADELAIDE
STREET, and St Paul’s, Power Street at Queen Street East (Figs
1-4, 8 and 9), are two Roman Catholic churches of the late 1880’s
in Toronto, designed by the eminent, Irish-trained architect,
Joseph Connolly (1840-1904).1 The difference in style between
the two buildings is striking, the one Gothic, the other variously
described as Italian Romanesque,2
Italian Renaissance and
Roman Renaissance. Why are they so different? What is
significant about the choice of style? The aims of the patrons, the
training of the architect, ethnic and religious associations, and the
historical situation in the late nineteenth-century Roman
Catholic church in Toronto help us understand.
Born in Limerick, Ireland, and trained in the Dublin office of
James Joseph McCarthy (1817-81), Connolly advanced to
become McCarthy’s chief assistant in the late 1860s.3 He
subsequently made a study tour in Europe and in 1871 he was in
practice for himself in Dublin but no records survive of any
commissions.4
By 13 August 1873 he had moved to Toronto
where he entered into partnership with the engineer, surveyor,
architect Silas James, an association that was dissolved by 23 April
1877, after which Connolly practised alone.5
In all he was
responsible for designing or remodelling twenty-eight Roman
Catholic churches and chapels in the Gothic style in the province,
plus the Roman Catholic cathedral in Sault-Sainte-Marie,
Michigan (1881), and James Street Baptist church in Hamilton
(1879). Moreover, his churches of Holy Cross at Kemptville
(1887-89),6
St John the Evangelist at Gananoque (1891),7
and St
Dismas at Portsmouth (1894-94),8 were inspired by the roundarched Hiberno-Romanesque style introduced by Augustus
Welby Pugin at St Michael’s, Gorey (Co. Wexford) (1838-39).9
This style was also adopted by J.J. McCarthy in St Laurence at
Ballitore (Co. Kildare) (1860) and elsewhere, and enjoyed
considerable popularity in late nineteenth-century Ireland.10
Connolly also completed many other commissions for the
Roman Catholics in Ontario, including convents, schools,
orphanages and rectories, and two classicizing churches including
St Paul’s,Toronto. His last commission was in 1897 and he died of
bronchial asthma in 1904.
Connolly has been designated the ‘Irish-Canadian Pugin’,11
a label that at once reflects his association with J.J. McCarthy, the
‘Irish Pugin’, and Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin (1812-52),
the great champion of Pointed or Christian architecture.12 Two
of McCarthy’s early churches, St Kevin at Glendalough (Co.
Wicklow) (1846-49), and St Alphonsus Liguori, Kilskyre (Co.
Meath) (1847-54), received the rare distinction of a positive
review in The Ecclesiologist, not least because they ‘imitate ancient
models’.13 McCarthy soon assimilated the rudiments of Irish
medieval Gothic design and, in so doing, began to interpret, rather
than simply imitate, his models.This is well illustrated in his 1853
design for St Patrick’s, St John’s, Newfoundland, in which he
demonstrated both a command of Irish medieval sources and a
thorough knowledge of A.W. Pugin’s Irish churches.14
By the 1860s, in keeping with contemporary progressive architects in
England and Ireland, he was attracted by the early Gothic of
northern France, and included such references in his work.15 This
was to have a profound impact on Connolly’s Gothic churches.
ST MARY’S, BATHURST STREET, TORONTO.
The cornerstone of St Mary’s,Toronto, was laid on 15 August
1884, and the dedication performed on 17 February 1889.16 The
spire was not completed until 1905 by Arthur Holmes, Connolly’s
former assistant in the 1880s, to the original design. The
incumbent at the time was the Very Reverend Francis Patrick
Rooney, Vicar-General of the Diocese of Toronto, who was
appointed at St Mary’s in 1870 and continued in office until his
death on 27 December 1894.17 The church served a largely
working-class Irish Catholic community in the late nineteenth
century.18 It is this Irish heritage that is clearly reflected in the
architecture.
St Mary’s is a fine example of Connolly’s Gothic churchdesign repertoire.The three-aisled basilican plan, with a polygonalapsidal sanctuary, transepts slightly lower than the nave, and a
morning chapel to the liturgical north (geographical south), was
used earlier by Connolly at St Patrick’s in Hamilton (1875).The
repertoire is inherited from McCarthy who incorporated a
morning chapel at St Brigid’s, Kilcullen (Co. Kildare) (1869), at
the very time Connolly was chief assistant in McCarthy’s office.
The polygonal apse and lower transepts are adapted from St
Macartan’s cathedral, Monaghan (1861-83).19 The tower at St
Mary’s is placed centrally in the façade, in contrast to most of
Connolly’s other large churches (Figs 1 and 2). He used twin
towers at Our Lady at Guelph (1876) and St Peter’s Basilica
(1880), London, while single angle towers graced St Patrick’s,
Kinkora (1882); St Michael’s, Belleville (1886); St Mary’s, Grafton
(1875); St Patrick’s at Hamilton, and Sault-Sainte-Marie (MI)
(1881).
The design of the St Mary’s, Toronto, façade accords happily
with the location of the church at the head of Adelaide Street
(Fig. 1).The centrally placed tower aligns perfectly with Adelaide
Street and stands proud as a monument to Roman Catholic
achievement that is visible for many blocks along Adelaide. The
basic concept of the central façade tower is allied to E.W Pugin
and G. C.Ashlin’s St Augustine’s, Dublin (1862) (Fig. 5), where we
also find a family resemblance in the low transept-like projections
to either side of the tower. Connolly later adapted this
arrangement for the façade of St Mary’s Cathedral, Kingston
(1889), where the details of the tower followed Bell Harry, the
crossing tower of Canterbury Cathedral. On a much smaller scale,
Connolly provided St Joseph’s, Macton (1886), with a central
façade tower and there followed the rectangular plan of Pugin and
Ashlin’s St Augustine’s tower.20
Connolly also seems to have adapted the idea of enclosing the
side portals and windows at St Mary’s, Toronto, within a giant
arch, from the central arch of Pugin and Ashlin’s St Augustine’s
Dublin (Figs 1 and 5). However, the majority of the façade
detailing is inherited from J.J. McCarthy, in particular the south
transept and west facades of Monaghan (Figs 1, 2 and 7).They all
share a central rose window enclosed in a moulded pointed arch
on columns and capitals, with recessed roundels above and below
the rose.The blind arcade beneath the rose at St Mary’s is a plain
version of that on the south transept at Monaghan, while the gable
with a roundel above the central doorway at St Mary’s reflects the
central west portal at Monaghan.The design of the spire with the
corner niches is also related to Monaghan Cathedral (Figs 1, 2
and. 7), although the angled placement of the niches on
Connolly’s tower is closer to McCarthy’s original scheme at
Monaghan.21 The gables that rise above the belfry openings
between the angle turrets recall McCarthy’s unexecuted design for
the south-west tower of St Brigid’s, Kilcullen, and other nearcontemporary major churches in Ireland.22 One may cite thesouth-west tower of Pugin and Ashlin’s St Colman’s cathedral,
Cobh (Co. Cork) (1869) and, most interestingly, the crossing
tower of William Burges’s St Fin Barre’s cathedral at Cork (1865).
Burges’s design reveals an intimate knowledge of the early Gothic
of Laon Cathedral, a building that supplies a precise analogue for
Connolly’s turrets.23
Inside St Mary’s, Toronto, the two-storey elevation, larger
arches to the transepts carried on piers rather than columns, the
rich acanthus capitals of the main arcades, and the apse vault, all
follow McCarthy’s Monaghan Cathedral (Figs 4 and 6). In
contrast to Monaghan, Connolly introduces polished granite
shafts in the nave arcades at St Mary’s and opts for simple,
chamfered arches rather than repeating the mouldings from
Monaghan. The proportions of the St Mary’s elevation are
squatter, we may say less cathedral-like than at Monaghan. In this
regard they are more in keeping with McCarthy’s parish church
at Killorglin (Co. Kerry), where there are also polished grey
granite shafts and rich acanthus capitals.
The precise parallels cited for St Mary’s,Toronto, might lead to
the accusation that Connolly was a somewhat uninspired
architect. His design for St Paul’s church, Toronto, will clearly
demonstrate that this is not the case, so why does St Mary’s seem
so conservative? It makes sense that Connolly should have
emulated McCarthy and Pugin and Ashlin, the most successful
Roman Catholic Church designers in Ireland during Connolly’s
time there. Connolly’s Gothic also has much in common with the
work of his contemporary architects in Ireland. William Hague
(1840-1900), another pupil of J.J. McCarthy, perpetuated Gothic
according to his mentor and, for example, in the Church of the
Sacred Heart at Omagh (Tyrone) (1893-99), he used polished
granite shafts and rich acanthus capitals in the arcade columns
similar to those at St Mary’s Toronto.24 Nor was such detailing
confined to McCarthy and his students in that O’Neill and Byrne
used these very same motifs in the nave of St Patrick, Killygordon
(Donegal) (1893-95), in which the proportions of the nave
elevation are close to St Mary’s,Toronto.25 Connolly’s church was
at once up to date and yet reflective of a well-established tradition
of Irish Roman Catholic church building. It is this very Irish-ness
that was so important for the Irish priest and his predominantly
Irish congregation at St Mary’s.While we have no record of the
patron’s demands at St Mary’s, the building speaks clearly of its
Irish heritage. Moreover, for McCarthy’s St Patrick’s in St John’s,
Newfoundland, and Connolly’s St Patrick’s, Hamilton,
contemporary accounts specifically mention that the churches
served as reminders of those in the homeland.26
ST PAUL’S, POWER STREET, TORONTO
At St Paul’s,Toronto (Figs 8 and 9) the foundation stone was
laid on 9 October 1887, and the dedication performed on 22
December 1889.27 A contemporary account of St Joseph’s at
Chatham, virtually an architectural twin of St Paul’s, Toronto,
describes the church as being built in the ‘Roman Renaissance’
style. This label is derived from the second chapter of the third
volume of John Ruskin’s The Stones of Venice.28 Ruskin initially
discussed the Casa Grimani in Venice as an example of this style
‘because it is founded, both in its principles of superimposition,
and in the style of its ornament, upon the architecture of classic
Rome at its best period’. He listed St Peter’s Basilica in Rome as
an example of the style ‘in its purest and fullest form’. In its
external form Ruskin observed that the Roman Renaissance style
‘differs from Romanesque work in attaching great importance to
the horizontal lintel or architrave above the arch’.This is used in
Connolly’s internal elevations above the main arcade, and on his
façades, although in the Toronto façade vertical elements penetrate
the entablature above the first storey.
The interior of St Paul’s, Toronto (Fig. 8), has been
convincingly compared with the great Roman basilica of St Paul’s
outside the Walls.29 The association might also be extended to S.
Clemente, Rome, the church of the Irish Dominicans in the city
since 1667. However, both these Roman churches are woodroofed and Connolly’s churches are vaulted in the manner of
Roman Baroque churches as in Carlo Maderno’s extension to the
nave of St Peter’s Basilica (1606-1612). There, the two-storey
elevation, in which the clerestory lunettes are cut into the high
barrel vault, is derived from the nave of Il Gesù Rome, begun in
1568 by Vignola.30 The massive, compound piers of Il Gesù and
Roman Baroque churches were not suitable for Connolly’s St
Paul’s where there needed to be greater openness between the
nave and aisles. It is thus possible to read Connolly’s churches as a
fusion of the main arcades of an Early Christian basilica with the
high barrel vault and clerestorey windows from the Roman
Baroque tradition.
Be that as it may, Connolly’s terms of reference were
significantly broader.The immediate inspiration for the nave, the
low transepts and the apse articulation, seems to have been St
Mel’s cathedral, Longford (1840-56), by J.B. Keane (Figs 8 and
9).31 The churches share the same Ionic order for the main arcade
columns and, in particular, the same arrangement of the low
transepts, except that they are of three bays at Longford. At
Longford the vault is based on Palladian principles, as in his
churches of Il Redentore (1576-91) and San Giorgio Maggiore
(1560-80),Venice, in which the clerestorey windows are cut into
the high barrel vault that springs from the entablature above the
main arcade.32 However, Connolly chose not to adopt this
scheme, or that of most Roman Baroque churches, in which
lunettes cut directly into the high barrel vault. Rather than
springing the high vault immediately above the entablature,
Connolly provided a more fully articulated upper storey in which
the shallow pilasters that carry the transverse arches of the vault
provide an illusion of height far greater than their actual scale.This
is an arrangement encountered in eighteenth-century France in
the churches of Contant d’Ivry, as in the nave of Saint-Vaast at
Arras, begun in 1755, and in La Madeleine in Paris, begun in
1764.33
A Venetian association may be suggested for the east end of St
Paul’s where the three-apse east end is paralleled at Torcello
Cathedral. Ruskin gives a plan of this church, which may be
pertinent in that it has ten-bay arcades like St Paul’s.34
In this
connection it is interesting that in Connolly’s obituary in the
Canadian Architect and Builder, St Pauls’s is labelled as ‘Italian
Romanesque’, an association that best fits aspects of the façade
and the campanile.35
The façade of St Paul’s (fig. 10) is an brilliant amalgam of the
Tuscan Romanesque San Miniato al Monte in Florence and
Venetian church façades of Andrea Palladio (1508-1580): San
Giorgio Maggiore, Sant’ Andrea della Vigne (1570) and Il
Redentore.36 The roundels in the spandrels of the façade also
recall Venice and Ruskin – the Fondaco della Turchi and the
Palazzo Dario37
are good parallels – while the coloured marble
insets may derive from the ‘Decoration by Discs’, on the Palazzo
Badoari Particiazzi, illustrated in colour by Ruskin.38
Be that as
it may, the setting of the roundels adjacent to the capitals of the
main pilasters recalls the Arch of Augustus at Rimini, which may
also have supplied the inspiration for the continuation of the
vertical articulation into the entablature. Alberti’s façade of San
Francesco, Rimini (1450), itself modelled on the Arch of
Augustus, may also have been a point of reference here.39 The
superimposition of the Corinthian over the Ionic order follows
Vitruvian principles as discussed in Joseph Gwilt’s 1867
Encyclopedia of Architecture.40 The bell tower is set off to the side in
the tradition of the Italian Romanesque campanile, as at Santa
Maria in Cosmedin, and San Giorgio in Velabro, in Rome, to cite
just two examples.
J.J. McCarthy’s Thurles cathedral (Co. Tipperary) (1865-72)
may have played an intermediary role for the Italian
Romanesque-style campanile offset to the left of the St Paul’s,
Toronto, façade.41 The division of the ground floor of the Thurles
façade is also related to St Paul’s. In both, there are three round-
headed doorways with carved tympana, one in the centre to the
nave and one each to the aisles, separated by slightly narrower
blind arches. At Thurles, there is no clear separation between the
nave and aisle façades whereas Connolly provided this with bold
Ionic pilasters, a motif that he also used at the outside angles of
the front. Moreover, Connolly incorporated a full entablature
between the lower and upper sections of the façade, a feature
entirely lacking at Thurles.
The architectural confessionals that project from the aisle walls
in St Paul’s, Toronto, are taken neither from a Roman, nor a
classicizing, tradition but are adapted from A.W. Pugin and his
followers. In an account of St George’s, Lambeth (Southwark),The
Ecclesiologist records that ‘Mr Pugin has ingeniously met with the
question of confessionals, which are indispensible to a modern
Roman Catholic church, by making them constructional, and
placing them between the buttresses, approached of course by a
series of doors from the nave. This was an afterthought, but is
more felicitous than architectural afterthoughts generally are’.42
They are used by J.J. McCarthy at St Saviour, Dublin (1852-61),43
and St Ignatius, Galway (1860),44
and subsequently by Pugin and
Ashlin in St Augustine’s, Dublin, and Cobh Cathedral.45
Connolly included them in a number of his Gothic churches,
including the chapel of St John that he added to the north-east of
St Michael’s Cathedral, Toronto (1890). There, a small pointed
gable is placed above the window in the middle of the
confessional while at St Paul’s the walls of the confessional are
built somewhat higher and it is topped with a pediment in the
tradition of a Greco-Roman temple.
For St Paul’s, Toronto, the choice of style for the church
concerns specific personalities, Archbishop Lynch and the Right
Reverend Timothy O’Mahony, the pastor of St Paul’s. O’Mahony
was born in Ireland in 1825 and had completed his priestly
training in Rome.46
In 1879 he met Archbishop Lynch in Rome
and he was invited to Canada to become Lynch’s auxilliary.
Bishop O’Mahony was made pastor of St Paul’s and he
determined to replace the small brick church of 1823.47 As at St
Mary’s,Toronto, there is no written documentation that pertains
to discussions between patron and architect at St Paul’s. However,
a letter from Kennedy, McVittie & Holland, Architects, Barrie,
Ont., 9 May 1883, preserved in the Archives of the Roman
Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, records that Archbishop Lynch
preferred the ‘Italian Style of Church Architecture’.48 This
architectural ultramontanism is further witnessed in Toronto in
the church of Our Lady of Lourdes, Sherbourne Street (1885-
1886), which was built for Archbishop Lynch by Commander
F. C . L a w.49 Here, the narthex of the original façade recalls S.
Lorenzo fuori le mura, Rome, while the articulation of the
aisleless interior with a barrel vault carried on a full entablature
and stepped Ionic pilasters, plus the ribbed dome on a drum and
pendentives, proudly proclaim Roman Baroque connections.The
entrance and transept facades adapted elements from classical
temple façades, and like St Paul’s,Toronto, a campanile projected
to the left of the west (east) front.
Loretto abbey church, located on Wellington Street near
Spadina, Toronto, built by Beaumont Jarvis in 1897 and
demolished in 1961, continued this Romanizing theme.50
It had
a single-storey elevation with coffered barrel vaults over the
chancel, transepts and nave, and a ribbed dome on pendentives
over the crossing. The walls of the chancel and transepts were
articulated with Corinthian pilasters.The lower, single-bay chapels
in the angles of the transepts and chancel communicated with the
main spaces through a trabeation on plain Ionic pilasters.The slim
Ionic columns that separated the nave and aisles may have been
inspired by Connolly’s nave at St Paul’s.
CHURCHES OF OTHER DENOMINATIONS IN LATE
NINETEENTH-CENTURY TORONTO
While Connolly’s churches of St Mary and St Paul, Toronto,
are stylistically quite different, they are both emphatically
Catholic, the one emphasizing an Irish heritage, the other, a
ultramontane link with Rome.The latter is obviously specific to
the Roman Catholics but what of the Gothic of St Mary’s? It is
here that the Irish-ness of the design sets it apart from
contemporary churches of other denominations in Toronto and
elsewhere in Ontario.Two Anglican churches, St Matthew and St
John (1889) on First Avenue by Strickland and Symons, and St
Thomas on Huron Street by Eden Smith (1892), conform to
English High Victorian Gothic principles. In accordance with the
liturgical tradition of the high church, they are both fitted with a
rood screen, and a piscina and sedilia. The 1875 split in the
Presbyterian congregation of St Andrew’s,Toronto, resulted in the
construction of two new churches; New Old St Andrew’s by
Langley, Langley and Burke, was Gothic, while New St Andrew’s
by William George Storm, was Romanesque.51 This was not the
contemporary Romanesque of Henry Hobson Richardson but
Romanesque intended to reflect the style of Norman Scotland
and thereby provide a geographical, if not a temporal, association
with the home of Presbyterianism.52 At the same time, the Baptist
congregation of Jarvis Street adhered to the Gothic style for their
new church by Langley, Langley and Burke (1874-5). However,
the amphitheatrical seating plan in the sanctuary of their church
was quite distinct from either Anglican or Catholic medievalinspired basilicas, and was the first use of this plan in the city.53
In
1886/7 Langley and Burke used a similar plan for the Sherbourne
Street Methodist,Toronto, but on this occasion Gothic gave way
to their interpretation of Richardsonian Romanesque. This
stylistic choice eradicated any possible association between
Methodism and either the ‘Papists’ or the Anglicans that might be
implied by a Gothic church.54
CONCLUSION
With the heightening of stylistic self-consciousness in church
design in Toronto and Ontario in the late nineteenth century,
Joseph Connolly succeeded in providing his patrons with two
quite specifically Catholic churches. The Irish association was
emphatically articulated at St Mary’s, while the ultramontane
preferences of Archbishop Lynch and Bishop O’Mahony were
boldly announced at St Paul’s. In the design of St Paul’s Connolly’s
eclectic use of sources comes as some surprise in the oeuvre of an
architect so thoroughly grounded in Gothic. His selection and
adaptation of motifs from Rome and Venice,Tuscan Romanesque,
French neo-classicism and Irish Romanesque and Baroque revival
styles, plus the adaptation of Gothic confessionals, show
Connolly’s impressive command of historical styles and his
remarkable talent in fusing such diverse elements into an elegant
new design.
Notes
1 On Connolly, see Canadian Architect and Builder, 17, issue 12 (1904), p. 205; Malcolm
Thurlby, ‘The Irish-Canadian Pugin: Joseph Connolly’, Irish Arts Review, 3, no. 1
(1986), pp. 16-21; Christopher A. Thomas, ‘A High Sense of Calling: Joseph
Connolly,A.W. Holmes, and their Buildings for the Roman Catholic Archdiocese
of Toronto, 1885-1935’, RACAR, XIII/2 (1986), pp. 97-120; Malcolm Thurlby,
‘The Church of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception at Guelph: Puginian
Principles in the Gothic Revival Architecture of Joseph Connolly’, Society for the
Study of Architecture in Canada Bulletin, 15 (1990), pp. 32-40; idem, ‘Joseph
Connolly’s Roman Catholic Churches in Wellington County’, Historic Guelph,
XXXI (1992), pp. 4-31; idem,‘Joseph Connolly and St Joseph’s Roman Catholic
Church, Macton’, Historic Guelph, XXXII (1993), pp. 71-72.
2 Canadian Architect and Builder, 17, (1904), p. 205, gives Italian Romanesque. Italian
Renaissance is used by Eric Arthur,Toronto: No Mean City, 3rd edition, revised by
Stephen A. Otto (Toronto, 1986), p. 186.‘Roman Renaissance’ is used to describe
St Joseph’s, Chatham, Ontario, virtually an architectural twin of St Paul’s,Toronto,
Catholic Record [London, ON], 30 Oct. 1886, p. 4, illus. & descrip.; 29 Oct. 1887,
p. 5, illus. & descrip.).
3 Canadian Architect and Builder, 17, (1904), p. 205.
4 Canadian Architect and Builder, 17 (1904), p. 205. Joseph Connolly is listed as an
architect in Thom’s Irish Almanac and Official Directory for the year 1871, pp. 1596
and 1806.
5 An advertisement for the James and Connolly practice appears in The Irish
Canadian, August 13, 1873, p. 5. A tender call in The Globe, April 23, 1877, p.7,
names Connolly alone.
6 Catholic Record, 6 Oct., 1888, p. 1; Louis J. Flynn, Built on a Rock:The Story of the
Roman Catholic Church in Kingston 1826-1976, (Kingston, ON, 1976), p. 256.
7 Contract Record, ii, 1 Aug. 1891, p. 2; Flynn, Built On A Rock, pp. 78, 266-68.
8 Flynn, Built On A Rock, pp. 322-24.
9 Phoebe Stanton, Pugin, (London, 1970), figs 36-41; Malcolm Thurlby,‘NineteenthCentury Churches in Ontario:A Study in the Meaning of Style’,Historic Kingston,
35 (1986), pp. 96-118 at 104; Thurlby, ‘The Irish-Canadian Pugin: Joseph
Connolly’, pp. 20-21.
10 Jeanne Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy and the Gothic Revival in Ireland (Belfast, 1977) p. 55;
idem,The Rediscovery of Ireland’s Past: the Celtic Revival 1830-1930 (London, 1980),
p.131, pl. 107.
11 Thurlby,‘The Irish-Canadian Pugin: Joseph Connolly’.
12 Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy; Douglas Scott Richardson, Gothic Revival Architecture in
Ireland, 2 vols (New York, 1983), pp. 488-492. Stanton, Pugin; Roderick
O’Donnell,‘The Pugins in Ireland’, in A.W.N. Pugin, Master of Gothic Revival, ed.
Paul Atterbury (New Haven and London, 1995), pp. 136-59.Also see remarks on
Pugin in Malcolm Thurlby, ‘St. Patrick’s Roman Catholic Church, School and
Convent in St John’s, Newfoundland: J.J. McCarthy and Irish Gothic Revival in
Newfoundland’, Journal of the Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada, 28 no.
3 (2003), pp. 13-20.
13 The Ecclesiologist,VIII (1848), p. 62.
14 Thurlby,‘St. Patrick’s Roman Catholic Church, School and Convent in St John’s,
Newfoundland’, pp. 13-20.
15 J. Mordaunt Crook,‘Early French Gothic’, in Sarah Macready and F.H.Thompson
(ed.), Influences in Victorian Art and Architecture, Society of Antiquaries of London
Occasional Paper (New Series),VII (London, 1985), pp. 49-58.
16 John Ross Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, iv (Toronto, 1904), p. 321.
17 Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, iv, pp. 322-323.
18 Mark McGowan, The Waning of the Green: Catholics, the Irish and Identity in Toronto,
1887-1922 (Montreal and Kingston, 1999), pp. 26, 29.
19 Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy, ill. 51, from The Builder, 12 September 1868, p. 675.
20 Thurlby,‘Joseph Connolly’s Roman Catholic Churches in Wellington County’, pp.
4-31; idem,‘Joseph Connolly and St Joseph’s Roman Catholic Church, Macton’,
pp. 71-72.
21 Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy, ill. 51.
22 Kilcullen is illustrated in Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy, ill. 49.
23 Laon cathedral towers are illustrated in W. Eden Nesfield, Specimens of Medieval
Architecture chiefly selected from examples of the 12th and 13th Centuries in France and
Italy (London, 1862), pls 36 and 37.
24 Alistair Rowan, The Buildings of Ireland, North West Ulster (Harmondsworth, 1979),
pl. 122.
25 Rowan, The Buildings of Ireland, North West Ulster, pl. 123.
26 Thurlby,‘St. Patrick’s Roman Catholic Church, School and Convent in St John’s,
Newfoundland’, pp. 13-14; Irish Canadian, 7 July 1875, p. 2, cols. 1-4 (from
Hamilton Times, 28 June).
27 Catholic Weekly Review [Toronto], 15 Oct. 1887, pp. 410-11, illus. & descrip.;Toronto
World, 25 Aug. 1888, p. 3, descrip.; Catholic Record [London, ON], 28 Dec. 1889, p.
5, descrip.; Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, iv, pp. 315-20, illus. & descrip.; Harold
Kalman, History of Canadian Architecture (Toronto, 1994), pp. 587-8, illus. &
descrip.). The building accounts are preserved in Archives of the Archdiocese of
Toronto.
28 John Ruskin, The Stones of Venice, 3 vols (London, 1851).
29 Thomas,‘A High Sense of Calling’, p. 102.The nave of St Paul’s outside the walls
is illustrated in Joseph Gwilt, The Encyclopedia of Architecture, Historical,Theoretical,
and Practical, revised by Wyatt Papworth (London, 1867, reprinted New York,
1980), p. 110, fig. 142.
30 Peter Murray, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance (New York, 1963), fig. 137.
31 I owe this comparison to Eddie McParland.
32 James Ackerman, Palladio (Harmondsworth, 1966), ills 70, 72 and 73 (Il
Redentore), and 84 and 85 (S. Giorgio Maggiore).
33 Wend von Kalnein,Architecture in France in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven and
London, 1995), pls 218 and 220.
34 Ruskin, Stones of Venice, I, pl. I, opp. p.16.
35 Canadian Architect and Builder, 17, (1904), p. 205.
36 Rudolf Wittkower,Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, 4th edn (London,
1973), pp. 89-97.
37 The Builder (1851), p. 202.
38 Ruskin, Stones of Venice, I, pl.VI, opp. p. 250.
39 On S. Francesco, Rimini, see Murray,Architecture of the Italian Renaissance, pp. 48-
50.
40 Gwilt, The Encyclopedia of Architecture, pp. 850-853.
41 Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy, p. 63;Thomas,‘A High Sense of Calling’, pp. 102-103.
42 The Ecclesiologist, IX (1849), p. 155.
43 Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy, pp. 43-44.
44 Sheehy, J.J. McCarthy, pp. 55-56.
45 Douglas Scott Richardson, Gothic Revival Architecture in Ireland, 2 vols (New York,
1983), pp. 500-502; O’Donnell,‘The Pugins in Ireland’, p. 155.
46 Thomas,‘A High Sense of Calling’, pp. 101-102.
47 Thomas,‘A High Sense of Calling’, p. 102.
48 Kennedy and Holland were supervising architects of St Ann’s (formerly Martyr’s)
Memorial church in Penetanguishine, Ontario.
49 Robertson, Landmarks, iv, ill. opp. p. 330. Patricia McHugh, Toronto Architecture:A
City Guide (Toronto, 1985) p. 159, illustrates the church before the remodelling of
the church in 1910 when a nave was constructed to the liturgical north
(geographical south) of the church by James P. Hynes.
50 Arthur, Toronto: No Mean City, ills 338 and 341.
51 William Westfall, Two Worlds:The Protestant Culture of Nineteenth-Century Ontario,
Kingston and Montreal (1989), p. 132, figs 7-9; Janine Butler, ‘St. Andrew’s
Presbyterian Church, Toronto’s “Cathedral of Presbyterianism”’, Ontario History,
LXXXIII, Number 3 (1991), pp. 170-92.
52 Specific mention is made of Kirkwall Cathedral although, other than both
buildings being Romanesque, the link is far from obvious; see, Butler,‘St.Andrew’s
Presbyterian Church, Toronto’s “Cathedral of Presbyterianism”’, pp. 173-75. On
Kirkwall Cathedral, see Malcolm Thurlby, ‘Aspects of the architectural history of
Kirkwall Cathedral’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 127 (1997),
pp. 855-888.
53 Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, iv, pp. 42-43; William Westfall and Malcolm
Thurlby, ‘The Church in the Town: The Adaptation of Sacred Architecture to
Urban Settings in Ontario’, Etudes Canadiennes/Canadian Studies (Association
Française d’Etudes Canadiennes), 20 (1986), pp. 49-59 at 53-54;William Westfall
and Malcolm Thurlby,‘Church Architecture and Urban Space:The Development
of Ecclesiastical Forms in Nineteenth-Century Ontario’, in Old Ontario: Essays in
Honour of J.M.S. Careless, ed. David Keene and Colin Read (Toronto and London,
1990), pp. 118-147 at pp. 128-29; Euthalia Lisa Panayotidis, 1991, ‘Gothic and
Romanesque:A Question of Style.The Arrangement of Protestant Churches and
School Houses in 19th-Century Ontario: The Work of Henry Langley’,
unpublished MA thesis,York University, pp. 59-74; Angela Carr, Toronto Architect,
Edmund Burke (Montreal and Kingston, 1995) pp. 26-29.
54 Carr, Toronto Architect, Edmund Burke, pp. 34-35, fig. 3.28.
The article as published in Ecclesiology Today 33 2004
